The Oromo-Amhara Ethnic Conflicts in Gidda Ayana and Kiramu Districts, North- Eastern Wallagga: Integrating Instrumentalist and Primordialists Theories

The Origins of Oromo–Amhara Relations in Gidda Ayyana and Kiramu Districts

According to instrumentalist theory, ethnic conflict does not inherently arise from differences in ethnic identity. Instead, it arises when ethnic identities are politicized or manipulated for the purpose of obtaining political or socio-economic advantages for one ethnic group while disregarding the interests of other ethnic group [7, 16, 17, 18, 19]. Instrumentalists attribute ethnic disputes to factors beyond ethnicity itself. Scholars such as Gurr [7, 20, 21, 22] and Collier and Hoeffler [16, 17] argue that dissatisfaction with these factors demonstrates that ethnic conflicts are often fueled by grievances and frustration. This perspective suggests that the current conflict in the Gidda and Kiramu districts can be understood from both primordial and instrumentalist viewpoints.

The insights provided by informants emphasize the importance of considering historical context, socio- economic factors, and cultural connections between the Oromo and Amhara communities in the Gidda Ayana and Kiramu districts. Taking these factors into account allows for a comprehensive understanding of the intricate dynamics within the Oromo-Amhara connections in the study area. The historical relationship between the Oromo and Amhara ethnic groups in Ethiopia, particularly in western Ethiopia, has been a topic of significant research and interest. Previous studies and historical archives have shed light on the complex and challenging interactions between the Amhara people of Gojjam and the Oromo communities residing south of the Abbay River in the late seventeenth century [25, 26]. Historical records indicate that these interactions were characterized by a mix of conflicts, tensions, cooperation, and collaboration. The specific nature of these interactions varied, influenced by factors such as territorial disputes, competition over resources, and socio-political dynamics.

The historical context is crucial for understanding the Oromo-Amhara connections in any specific region, including the north-eastern part of East Wallagga. Exploring historical sources, such as historical records, archival documents, and scholarly works, can shed light on the historical interactions, power dynamics, and events that have influenced the relationship between the Oromo and Amhara communities in that area. While, socio-economic factors play a significant role in shaping the connections between the Oromo and Amhara communities. Resource competition, land disputes, economic opportunities, and access to markets and trade routes can impact their relationship. Studying local economies, patterns of land use, resource distribution, and economic activities in the north-eastern part of East Wallagga provide insights into how these factors have influenced the Oromo-Amhara connections in this specific area. Similarly, cultural influences are instrumental in shaping the Oromo- Amhara connections. Each community has its own distinct cultural practices, languages, and social structures. The cultural dynamics, including religious practices, traditional norms, and intercultural interactions, also provide insights into how cultural factors have shaped the relationship between the Oromo and Amhara communities in the north- eastern part of East Wallagga.

During the final decade of imperial rule, a number of scholarly studies, including those conducted by Pausewang [27] uncovered significant patterns of Amhara migration towards the Gidda Ayana and Kiramu districts. Assefa [28] noted that in 1972, the first wave of voluntary migrants from the Wallo province arrived in the Haaroo Addis-Alem areas of the Gidda-Kiramu region. This migration was driven by various factors, such as the landholding system of the impe0rial era and population pressures. The local Oromo landlords, seeking tribute-paying tenants as well as an electoral constituency to support their bid for the bicameral imperial parliament, permitted the settlement of these migrants in the region. Assefa [28] provides insights into this arrangement. The newcomers from the Wallo province aimed to address their immediate concerns, acquire government farming licenses for land, and eventually become dutiful taxpayers. It appears that the initial flow of migrants from the north was facilitated by an alignment of interests between the settlers and local landowners.

According to the informants, despite occasional inter- personal disagreements, there were no significant fights between settlers and host populations in the 1970s and 1980s. The Haaroo-Addis-Alem Kebele, where recurring contests over strong leadership positions in local administration have been noted, may represent an outlier in today’s Kiramu region. In 1995, the EPRDF leadership issued a new Constitution that provided the local Oromo an innate right to administer their territory, bringing the power struggle to an end. As a result, starting in 1991, local government administration, which had been a point of conflict between the two populations for nearly two decades (the mid-1970s to 1991), became the Oromo’s property.

Despite the aforementioned factors, the migration to the Gidda Ayana and Kiramu districts witnessed acceleration in the 1990s. This can be attributed to a combination of push and pull factors. The pull factors were influenced by the availability of underdeveloped and fertile lowlands in the Gidda Ayana and Kiramu districts, which became more accessible with the completion of the Nekemte-Bure Road, connecting the Amhara and Oromia regions along the western corridor. Land scarcity and environmental degradation in the northern regions have long been recognized as significant drivers for migration from the north. Additionally, the land redistribution process in the Amhara Regional State in the mid-1990s, as highlighted by Assefa [28], resulted in a large number of peasants being left without farmland or being allocated marginal and unproductive lands on steep mountain slopes and rugged terrains. Consequently, these individuals started migrating to the Gidda Ayana and Kiramu districts in search of arable land and, in some cases, employment opportunities. It is important to note that these factors are not the sole determinants of migration, as other factors like population pressure and personal circumstances can also contribute to new waves of migration.

Based on the information that informants provided, it seems that there has been a significant migration of people from Gojjam to the Andode-Dicho area, with fewer migrants coming from Gonder. The reasons for this migration could be attributed to the familiarity of people from the northern regions with the Gidda Ayana and Kiramu districts, as well as improved access due to the completion of the Nekemte- Bure Road. The influx of migrants, including those seeking employment and escaped outlaws, may have contributed to an increase in criminal activities such as homicide and theft. This criminal activity, combined with the existing Oromo- Amhara violence, could potentially intensify the tensions and conflicts in the area.

The turmoil in the zone has been influenced by two major factors: the ethnic politics of the EPRDF (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front) and demographic dynamics within local Oromo communities. As a result of the migration patterns described earlier, along with natural population growth, the Gidda Ayana and Kiramu districts, which had previously been sparsely populated in Wallagga, experienced a significant increase in population density throughout the 1990s. These lowlands had traditionally served as a “reserve” of cultivable land where slash and burn farming could be practiced if highland land became scarce or if a farmer lacked plow animals. However, when self-initiated settlers began occupying the majority of the hospitable plain and encroaching on the mountains in the 1990s, the local disadvantaged individuals were left with few options. This situation created a sense of desperation among the poor and fostered animosity towards the newcomers. As the population of neighboring Oromo communities grew, even the previously self-sufficient prosperous peasants started facing land scarcity. Consequently, scarcity, which had been the primary driver of emigration from the north, became a source of conflict in the south. The continued migration of Amhara settlers reignited historical grievances and intensified resource competition, fueling animosity between the two ethnic groups.

To put it differently, under primordialism, the differences in ethnic identities became more prominent, leading to increased ethnic consciousness and raising the likelihood of ethnic conflict. At the same time, instrumentalist grievances and frustrations played a role in solidifying these ethnic identities. However, it is important to recognize that ethnic identity politics alone cannot be seen as the sole cause of the conflicts. The ethnic groups in the region have a shared history and both express unique and shared cultural practices. Consequently, addressing the current conflict necessitates an instrumentalist approach that acknowledges their shared history and focuses on addressing instrumentalist grievances, rather than solely relying on identity politics as the primary driver of the conflicts.

Furthermore, based on information gathered from informants and our review, we find that historically, the Oromo residing in Gidda and Kiramu were subject to the authority of the Amhara nobility and local ‘Balabats’ (referred to as “Abbootii Lafaa” in Afan Oromo), who assisted the central government in governing the peripheral population in Ethiopia. The control of land was a crucial factor in controlling the people. Unlike the Leqa-Nekemte region, where traditional authorities were granted internal autonomy in exchange for acknowledging Shoan rule, the entire Horro-Guduru Zone, including Gidda-Kiramu at that time, was placed directly under the rule of Menelik’s representatives [29]. However, the central authority, as in other incorporated lands, relied on subordinate local elites (Balabats) to govern the local population.

As noted by John M [30], a significant shift occurred in 1974 during the Ethiopian Revolution when the feudal aristocracy and the imperial bureaucracy were dispossessed. The revolution led to the emergence of a new class of Marxist cadre corps, who served as alternative local elites under the new military rulers. Subsequently, the EPRDF (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front) replaced the cadre corps, establishing a class of “regional intellectuals” as its auxiliary elites [31]. These structural changes, accompanied by the political shift following the revolution, had a profound impact on the traditional graciousness-based political ideology of the Balabats. Additionally, the efforts of the military regime to deconstruct the prevailing political ideologies of the time further contributed to the fragility of the Balabats’ political thinking. However, it is worth noting that the EPRDF revolution and its political consequences could also be seen as a potential cause of the current political turmoil. In recent years, there have been criticisms of the diminishing ability of the EPRDF to effectively implement constitutional rights (as some critics argue).

Based on the information gathered from informants and our review of the literature, it is evident that political upheavals in the central government had a profound impact on power dynamics in the periphery, as well as inter-ethnic relations. The fall of the imperial regime brought an end to the political dominance of the Amhara community, while the Oromo community gained political power under the current government. This shift in power dynamics led to changes in allegiances and the formation of new alliances among different ethnic groups.

In addition to the changes in power relations at the center, state-sponsored population resettlement initiatives in the 1980s and the subsequent spontaneous migration of the Amhara population to the Gidda Ayana and Kiramu districts after the fall of the Derg regime in 1991 had detrimental effects on inter-ethnic relations. These migrations turned the study districts into contested areas where competition for resources became intense and conflicts arose [30]. The influx of new populations, along with the historical grievances and tensions between different ethnic groups, exacerbated the already complex inter-ethnic dynamics in the region. The competition for land, economic opportunities, and political representation further fueled the conflicts in the area.

A critical turning point occurred in Ethiopia when the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) assumed power in 1991, marking the beginning of a new political era. Central to this new political order was the recognition of ethnicity as a significant factor in power dynamics. The EPRDF leadership acknowledged the importance of ethnicity in political mobilization and sought to utilize it as a means of addressing disputes. A key strategy employed was the decentralization of government power along ethnic lines, with the aim of mitigating longstanding inter-ethnic tensions and fostering social cohesion.

However, a contrasting perspective emerged, attributing the deteriorating state of inter-ethnic relations to the politicization of ethnicity. This viewpoint questioned the effectiveness of the ethnic-based power structure in promoting harmonious relations between different ethnic groups. In recent years, inter-ethnic relations in Ethiopia have garnered considerable scholarly attention, driven by the academic community’s quest to understand the underlying factors behind these divergent viewpoints and the significant shifts observed in inter-ethnic dynamics following the implementation of the new political framework. This review highlights the transformative impact of the EPRDF’s ascent to power in 1991, emphasizing the central role assigned to ethnicity in shaping power dynamics. It also acknowledges the ongoing scholarly discourse surrounding inter-ethnic relations, seeking to comprehend the reasons behind the varying perspectives and the notable changes in inter-ethnic dynamics resulting from the introduction of the new political paradigm.

According to Deribssa A [29], the rise in the frequency and intensity of ethnic-based conflicts, coupled with the examination of the impact of ethnic federalism on these conflicts, has generated a significant surge in scholarly engagement with inter-ethnic relations. This academic interest seeks to contribute to the ongoing debate surrounding the factors that contribute to the periodic escalation and de-escalation of ethnic-based conflicts in western Ethiopia since the implementation of the ethnic federalist system. The research aims to shed light on the causes of these conflicts and their fluctuating nature, considering the introduction of ethnic federalism as a critical turning point. By exploring the dynamics of inter-ethnic relations within the context of this political framework, scholars aim to deepen our understanding of the underlying factors that shape these conflicts over time. This review underscores the growing scholarly attention devoted to inter-ethnic relations, particularly in relation to the intensified conflicts observed in the wake of ethnic federalism. By delving into these complexities, researchers strive to contribute to the ongoing academic discourse and uncover valuable insights into the causes and patterns of ethnic-based conflicts in western Ethiopia.

Based on information collected from informants and supported by literature, it is evident that the districts of Gidda Ayana and Kiramu, situated on the western periphery of Ethiopia’s highland plateau, have historically remained relatively isolated from the rest of the country. These districts were largely shielded from the tumultuous events that unfolded in the Horro-Guduru region during the nineteenth century. Additionally, they were unaffected by the competition between Gojjam and Shoa in the early 1880s, as both powers vied for control over this sub-province [25]. Moreover, it is worth noting that these districts did not attract substantial attention from European travelers who extensively documented their journeys in the wider western region of Ethiopia during the nineteenth century. Consequently, the districts of Gidda Ayana and Kiramu were overlooked by these European tourists, further contributing to their relative obscurity in historical accounts. More specifically, based on the information collected from informants, significant changes in the regional dynamics of the two districts occurred following the Italian occupation of the 1930s. The construction of a dry-weather road and a bridge across the Angar River by the Italians played a crucial role in connecting the districts to Nekemte, the zonal capital. This physical connection not only broke their regional isolation but also facilitated greater regional interaction. Additionally, in 1970, Dutch citizens established a commercial farm in what is now known as Angar-Gutin, further contributing to the region’s integration [32].

Moreover, in the mid-1980s, state-sponsored population displacement initiatives transformed these areas into a hub of abundant resources. The completion of the Nekemte-Bure Road in 1990 provided full connectivity to the rest of East Wallagga in the south and Gojjam in the north, exposing the two districts to a wide range of regional interactions. Subsequently, there was an increase in spontaneous population migration from the Amhara region, leading to the emergence of novel multi-ethnic interactions, some of which have been marked by conflict [28, 29, 31]. These developments have attracted the attention of scholars interested in understanding the complexities of these inter- ethnic dynamics [33].

Linking Instrumentalism and Primordialism Expression in Oromo-Amhara Conflicts in Gidda Ayana and Kiramu Districts

In highland areas, where local peasants who covertly sold or temporarily leased lands to Amhara settlers have reclaimed or requested additional payment, resulting in a conflict that has gone beyond court litigation, there have been breaches of contractual agreements over land, resulting in a conflict that has gone beyond court litigation, linking instrumentalism and primordial expressions. Aside from the aforementioned circumstances, ethnic-based federalism and the varying meanings and interpretations of the right to movement and the liberty to choose one’s place of residence anywhere in the country, as enshrined in the 1995 Ethiopian Constitution (FDRE, Constitution, and article 32.) have created a schism between the settlers Amhara and host Oromo communities [34, 35]. While Amhara settlers claim the constitutional right to dwell wherever in Ethiopia, the Oromo claim the right to limit such settlements to the degree that they endanger the lives of local people. For the Oromos, their land is the only resource to lead their lives, as Amharas have developed some fears of political resettlement to their original lands looking to the long future of politics, and thus exacerbating the conflicts as extremist groups from the Amhara are trying their last, and fading chances of living in the area. Such discrepancies in settlement rights became a playground for Oromo elites, who reenacted long-forgotten Amhara ruler atrocities to reawaken old resentments. Moreover, this may lead us to consider how irritation fosters cohesion and, as a result, crystallizes distinctions between ethnic identities; hence this section explains how disparities incoherent identities lead to dissatisfaction and the possibility of widespread ethnic conflict. Ethnic identity differences, as discussed in the discussion of primordial’s above, are a sufficient cause of intra-group cooperation and hospitality, as well as inter-group competition and conflict [36, 37].