Indigenous Farmers’ Responses to Climate Change on the Bui Plateau of Cameroon

Introduction

Climate variability and change compromise the ability of rural farmers to satisfy needs inherent to the environment [1]. Although environmental changes have occurred over generations, rural farmers have adapted using local knowledge [2]. Indigenous knowledge is a readily available climate-smart tool for sustainable development and the management of climate variability [3]. Environmental problems vary over space and time [4], but rural farmers, through continued trial and error, and sustained interactions with the local environment, have developed a wealth of knowledge about nature in their locale that they use in coping with and solving their climate-related problems [5].

‘Indigenous knowledge’ (IK) is often used to describe the ideas developed by a community as opposed to the scientific or ‘modern knowledge’ [6, 7]. It is the basis for local- level decision-making in many rural communities [8]. It is valuable for the culture and scientists and planners striving to improve the well-being of rural areas [9]. Incorporating IK into climate change policies can lead to cost-effective, participatory and sustainable adaptation [10]. IK, a complex and cumulative body of facts, practices and representations, is preserved and advanced by people with prolonged histories of connections with the natural environment [11]. These systems are complex and include attachment to place, language, perception of worldview and spirituality [12].

Knowledge, practices and innovations of indigenous and local communities worldwide are rooted in experience and history [13]. IK is dynamic and adapts to environmental and cultural change, incorporating other perspectives and forms of knowledge [14]. IK is transmitted orally from generation to generation [11]. Local communities in Sub-Saharan Africa have developed intricate systems of gathering, predicting, interpreting and decision-making about the weather [15]. Farmers use knowledge of weather systems such as rainfall, thunderstorms, windstorms, harmattan and sunshine to prepare for future activities [16]. Elderly farmers frame propositions about seasonal rainfall by observing natural phenomena, while ritual and cultural specialists draw forecasts from predictions, and visions [17]. The most reliable indicators are the intensity, timing and duration of low temperatures during the beginning of the dry season [7]. Other forecasting indicators include the timing of fruiting of certain local trees, the water level in ponds and streams, the nesting and migratory patterns of birds and insect behaviour in waste heaps [9].

Sub-Saharan African cultures encompass an informal institution of ‘rainmakers’ who would not as much invoke rains, but predict them based on ethnic meteorology (an indigenous way of forecasting and interpreting weather conditions) [18, 8]. Globalisation has eroded the knowledge system of community people to the extent that these local curators are branded as ‘backward charlatans’ [12]. Apart from the stigmatisation and labelling experienced by small farmers, abrupt changes in weather patterns, which also interrupt natural indicators used in ethno-meteorology, continue to overwhelm the smallholders in their present environments [19]. More than ever before, smallholders are now consistently susceptible, making them more socio- economically miserable [20]. Regardless of the current influx of scientific weather forecasts, smallholder farmers are deeply entangled in the complexities of climate variability and climate change [18]. In the phase of these mounting environmental crises, this study aims to assess indigenous farmers’ responses to climate change on the Bui Plateau.

Study Area and Methodology

The Bui Plateau of the Bamenda Highlands of Cameroon has seven micro agro-ecological zones situated between latitudes 6o00”-6o20″N and longitudes 10o30″-10o60″E (Figure 1). Bui is an orographic plateau within the Cameroon Volcanic Line (CVL) with spectacular landscapes like Mount Oku (3,011 masl) and the Mbaw–Tikar Plains (≈710 masl). It provides a major watershed for the Niger and Sanaga river systems (Tume and Fogwe, 2018). The area has a surface area of about 2,795 km2. Administratively, this area covers Bui Division, with headquarters in Kumbo, covering six administrative units: Kumbo (630 km2), Jakiri (675 km2), Nkum (375.3 km2), Nkor–Noni (307.7 km2), Mbiame (575 km2) and Oku (232 km2).

The Bui Plateau is diverse and segmented into seven agrarian basins, which do not respect administrative boundaries, necessitating the administration of questionnaires in clusters. The principle of cluster sampling solves the problem of data collection in a culturally and physically diverse area. A convenient way to take a sample is to divide the area into smaller overlapping areas and then randomly select some smaller areas (households located in the agroecological basins). In cluster sampling over the Bui Plateau, the target population were rural farmers.

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These were subdivided into relatively smaller units relating to crops which are grown in specific areas. In cases where more than one crop dominates in an agro-basin, double or multiple levels of clustering were applied (multi- stage cluster sampling). A total of 597 questionnaires were administered (Table 2).

The Nkar-Kumbo-Kikaikom agro basin covers most villages in Kumbo Central, Dzekwa area, the middle belt of Jakiri Sub-Division, extending down to Wainanmah. The Ngomrin-Mbokam-Mbaw Nso Plain covers the southeastern part of the Jakiri Sub-Division, extending northeast into the Mbiame Sub-Division and thrusting eastwards into the Ndop and Tikar plains. Oku-Vekovi-Tadu basin covers the highland montane communities of Jakiri Sub-Division like Kinsenjam and Vekovi, extending across to Kaiy, Taashem and Vivem in Kumbo Central Sub-Division. It extends westward to cover all of the Oku Sub-Division. The Dzeng-Tatum-Banten basin covers much of the Nkum Sub-Division. It extends north- westward into the Noni Sub-Division. From the Dzeng Plateau, it shares boundaries with Mbiame and covers the rugged terrane of Yangkitari, which is a northern extension of the Kov Ndzeen range in Kumbo Central Sub-Division. Nkuv-Ndzeen basin covers the southeastern part of Kumbo Central. It is a rugged frontier, which is reputed for massive deforestation, overgrazing, cropper-herder conflicts, landslides and fast-flowing streams. The Djottin-Nkor- Lassin Plain is located at the northwest edge of the Plateau. It extends northwards into the Donga plain. The Mbiame basin is situated between the Mbaw Nso Plain and Dzeng. It can be described as a transitional ecological zone because of a mixture of highland and lowland climatic characteristics.

Results

The dearth of meteorological data in the Bamenda Highlands necessitates the use of indigenous perceptions. The indicators include sources of weather activities and local weather information, farmers’ knowledge of weather forecasting, farmers’ perception of the nature of local and scientific weather knowledge, perception of climate variability, and perception of factors influencing indigenous environmental knowledge and practices. It is assumed that indigenous knowledge is a more dependable source of weather and environmental knowledge than conventional sources on the Bui Plateau.

Discussion

Indigenous and local practices (ILP) are an outcome of the application of context, culture and location-specific knowledge to solve problems [1]. The close relationship of indigenous peoples with their environment makes them sensitive to the effects of ‘global warming’. Indigenous people tend to live in places that are worst hit by the impacts of environmental change and their poverty exacerbates vulnerability [21]. Local people make agrarian decisions based on perceptions of their environment through the behaviour of some plants, and animals, reading signs of the atmosphere and many other Indigenous environmental practices. In the Bui Plateau of the Bamenda Highlands of Cameroon, dark clouds, according to indigenes signify approaching heavy rain [6]. Ethno-meteorology is a mystery and only some members of the community are gifted in reading and interpreting cloud patterns [22]. Some of the predictions of ‘cloud watchers’ often miss out and can be very misleading because of changing climatic and environmental conditions.

Indigenous weather prediction does not require classy tools. Formal education or training is not needed to acquire skills in local weather forecasting [6]. Exercising local knowledge in weather prediction requires no financial investments. Despite gaping differences, scientific weather forecasting and local predictions are mutually exclusive. Local approaches to weather predictions are often accurate and as such are the best for making the right decisions in farming activities. Whereas scientific weather forecasting is purely secular, local knowledge of weather reading entails a great measure of spirituality. Indigenous peoples are among the first to face the direct consequences of climate change, owing to their dependence on and direct relationship with environmental resources [23].

Limitations arise on how both indigenous and scientific knowledge systems are viewed, which can increase the perceived inferiority of traditional knowledge to modern scientific knowledge [24]. Traditional knowledge is viewed to be closed, parochial, unintellectual, primitive and emotional, part of a residual, traditional and backward way of life, while contemporary knowledge is open, systematic and objective, centred on rationality and intelligence and centred within the developed world [5]. Whenever the two branches of knowledge are operating within the same environment, contemporary knowledge tends to dominate local traditional knowledge [6, 26]. Currently, it may be difficult to delineate what are local traditional farming methods per se because of current development interactions which may have caused much influence of the local farming practices with scientific practices [5]. This is because local small-scale farmers have contact with the scientific community (agricultural extension officers and NGOs) who may have influenced much of their knowledge system and practices, making it very difficult to disentangle the two farming practices due to their influences and similarities [27, 28].

Both indigenous and scientific knowledge have their limitations in providing informed solutions to social environmental management practices [6]. Nevertheless, both modern and indigenous traditional knowledge systems should complement rather than compete by incorporating respective economic, social and political perspectives that are useful and beneficial to the management of natural resources for the survival of the community [29]. Knowledge should be at the centre of creating solutions for some environmental problems, for it has evolved from the local community as opposed to scientific knowledge [25].

Traditional environmental knowledge has the advantage of being directly linked to household daily activities [30]. It is concerned with the immediate necessities of people’s daily livelihoods and can provide a short-term and immediate solution to a means of survival in the community, making it meaningful [31]. It may also be useful under transitory conditions, as opposed to contemporary science developed through research and principles for solving global problems without a local origin nor link to the social, cultural, political and physical environment of a specific local area and removed from the daily lives of the people [25]. Researchers acknowledge the dynamism of local knowledge in providing solutions and coping with new environmental and economic hardships in society [1, 5], with a further acknowledgement that some local farmers have succeeded in their farming systems by combining local farming methods with scientific knowledge [32, 33].

Conclusion

The dearth of meteorological data necessitates the use of indigenous perceptions. The sources of weather activities and local weather information, farmers’’ knowledge of weather forecasting, farmers’ perception about the nature of local and scientific weather knowledge, perception of climate variability, and perception of factors influencing indigenous environmental knowledge and practices. Key actions for integrating traditional and scientific climate change adaptation approaches in Cameroon could include demonstration projects in collaboration with rural and indigenous communities; action research on key concerns and issues; information and communication technologies to record, manage and transmit indigenous knowledge and know-how; training to build local capacities in relevant multimedia techniques and international workshops and seminars to promote reflection and dialogue. In responding and adapting to climate issues, there is a strong need to adopt integrated scientific, social science and traditional knowledge approaches. An integrated approach enables local communities to address current and projected climatic risks and to identify appropriate response solutions. Rather than using indigenous knowledge only, or discarding it completely, its incorporation into climate change policies can lead to the development of effective, cost-effective, and sustainable adaptation strategies. Indigenous knowledge provides suitable entry points for research and development on climate change adaptation practices.